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Malcolm in the middle: what can Labor learn from Turnbull’s doomed attempt to govern from the centre? | Peter Lewis

Ten years after my first Essential column for the Guardian, another centrist government is confronting a global bin fire in the face of a resurgence of populism I wrote my first column for Guardian Australia in August 2016, when the winds of chaos were sweeping the globe, the forces of division were finding their voice […]

By deepak · August 12, 2026 · 4 min read

Ten years after my first Essential column for the Guardian, another centrist government is confronting a global bin fire in the face of a resurgence of populism

I wrote my first column for Guardian Australia in August 2016, when the winds of chaos were sweeping the globe, the forces of division were finding their voice and a centrist leader named Malcolm was scrambling to hang on.

A decade provides enough space to give events real definition in the rear-view mirror while more recent events still feel like passing traffic or roadkill. So, let’s strap ourselves into the Essential DeLorean and go back to the future.

Malcolm has just narrowly survived the double-dissolution election he foolishly called, having been forced to dig into his own substantial personal wealth to sandbag what would end up a one-seat majority.

My debut column is about Pauline Hanson, who has returned to the parliament for the first time in nearly 20 years. I link the backlash against the levels of immigration to a growing sense of economic insecurity, something I argue should be harnessed rather than rejected as extreme.

“We’ve seen the rise of the outsider overseas, from Brexit to Le Pen to Trump and Sanders. One Nation is poised to become Australia’s expression of that international pushback on globalisation,” I write.

In October, Malcolm and Bill Shorten, whose energetic leadership and ruthlessly truthy election campaign have put Labor back in the game, reach across the partisan divide in the name of social cohesion, issuing a joint rejection of discriminatory immigration policy.

When Malcolm had wrested control from the political wrecking ball that was his long-term nemesis, Tony Abbott, I (like many progressives) wished him well, a centrist leader from the other side who would confront the future with a modicum of shared purpose.

But by September our poll shows the weakness of his position, especially for a man who had used Newspoll to justify his own challenge on a sitting PM who remains deeply embedded in the right’s echo chamber waiting to pounce back.

In exile from his first leadership, Malcolm had made action on climate his cause celebre, donning the leather jacket to become a regular truth-teller on Q+A. In power he had begun the process of redesigning a working energy market after Abbott had destroyed the carbon trading scheme (CPRS) but was constantly stymied by the coal club and the fossils in his own party.

In 2016, the fossil fuel industry and its political and media mouthpieces have pivoted from denial to the reliability of renewables. When freak storms wiped out the South Australian grid, this was blamed on the fragility of the new technology rather than the urgent need to address climate chaos. Ten years on, batteries may be mainstream but the hostility to renewable technology continues to be weaponised even as evidence of an impending climate catastrophe becomes more incontrovertible.

Malcolm is battling a divided party fixated on culture wars; he manages to usher through a tortuous but ultimately successful postal ballot on marriage equality but can’t stifle the intermittent, unhinged breakouts, such as a confected fight over the Racial Discrimination Act.

These identity schisms sow the seeds of the Liberal party’s ongoing identity crisis. When the majority of Australians who see themselves as middle class can’t name a party for them, the teal writing is already on the wall – and Abbott will be the first to fall.

All this noise is diverting Malcolm from delivering on his big economic play, a national innovation drive to deliver “jobs and growth”, a pitch to the future that has failed to translate into votes when it is delivered to tech start-ups rather than workers.

As November approaches, the prospect of a Trump presidency is becoming more real and we are at pains to differentiate ourselves from the madness over there. We hold our breaths and turn blue when the “red wall” breaks and the reality TV show conquers the White House. By year’s end we are in a state of existential limbo, Trump is elected but the full catastrophe is yet to begin.

Source: Read the original article on www.theguardian.com