Published : Aug 15, 2026 22:00 IST – 11 MINS READ<\/p>\n
The state has weaponised the JCB bulldozer, and the violence it has carried out has acquired its own vocabulary such as \u201cbulldozer politics\u201d or \u201cbulldozer raj\u201d.
\n | Photo Credit: Shiv Kumar Pushpakar<\/p>\n
Authoritarian symbols have an ungovernable stubbornness. Devoid of agency, yet uncaring of their own origins, such symbols eventually slip from the grasp of their authors and acquire a life of their own. As they spread, detached from their original context and reassembled by those who encounter them, their meanings continue to change. Though their journey may begin as vehicles of a dominant political imagination, these ordinary symbols become transformative agents. Ultimately, they reframe the gaze directed at the \u201cother\u201d and, by extension, the perception of the self.<\/p>\n
Where democratic backsliding is underway, authoritarianism relies on a two-part strategy: material violence and the political rhetoric that clears the path for it. This work spans state institutions and unfolds through a calculated sequence of events that advances a political agenda. It is one of the ways power accumulates, tensing around pressure points until it finds a way out. Once free, that power flows into the hands of people who each decide where it rests, what form it takes, and what patterns it reproduces.<\/p>\n
Also Read | Student protests and the politics of laughter and profanities<\/p>\n
For a country as linguistically divided as India, symbolism provides a powerful means of political unification. Political parties turn everyday objects, colours, flowers, and words into shorthand for political identity\u2014the more mundane and identifiable the object, the more effective it becomes. Hindi-heartland politicians, despite their zeal to impose Hindi on everyone, have borrowed terms from non-Hindi languages\u2014such as shor (noise) and shorba (gravy) in Urdu\u2014and deployed them as anti-Muslim dog whistles. During the protests against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act in 2019, Prime Minister Narendra Modi similarly suggested that people involved in arson and violence during protests could be identified by the clothes they wear. This machinery of othering\u2014built through objects, words, and their circulation\u2014shows the work that symbolism performs. It is no accident, then, that once attached to a political cause, symbols begin to shape public behaviour.<\/p>\n
India\u2019s political history has many examples of ordinary objects escaping their origins to structure public life. Mahatma Gandhi\u2019s engagements with the charkha (spinning wheel) and khadi (hand-spun, hand-woven cloth) offered a path towards colonial emancipation. In recent decades, conspiracy theories such as \u201clove jihad\u201d and \u201cland jihad\u201d have turned intimacy and property into sites of suspicion and exclusion. The JCB bulldozer\u2014no more than a yellow earthmover with a large digging arm in the front\u2014has become the primary instrument of what scholars call domicide, the deliberate destruction of home. More recently, zoological metaphors such as \u201ctermite\u201d or \u201ccockroach\u201d have reduced entire social groups to infestations. In each case, weaponised language and naturalised symbols spread with the ease of a contagion, allowing political change to become easily reproducible.<\/p>\n
Relatability gives political symbols reach as people embrace and use the vocabulary, allowing it to normalise as innocuous, shareable content in the public imagination. In the digital age, memes, reels, and algorithmic trends accelerate this circulation. Such symbolism works so pervasively because it requires little active thought. Yet while symbols carry intent, they lack a predetermined political path. Once they escape their proving grounds, the public can turn them against the powers that produced them, or use them to reproduce power. This duality defines the present moment: at times, the state\u2019s intention and symbolism are normalised, as with the ubiquity of the JCB bulldozer; at others, it backfires spectacularly into resistance, as with the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP).<\/p>\n
In the case of the CJP, the cockroach changed from a dehumanising metaphor into a tool of defiant self-assertion. After Chief Justice of India Surya Kant\u2019s remark in May 2026 comparing certain unemployed youth to cockroaches, Abhijeet Dipke harnessed the ensuing outrage to found the CJP. In digital spaces, a single cockroach emoji in a user\u2019s bio became a signal of belonging. That shared identity sparked collective mobilisation, carrying the satire from social media feeds onto the streets. As it became more popular, the movement grew into a multi-site resistance, with protests in States across the country. The cockroach had acquired a second life, evolving from an institutional slur into an active site of identity, protest, and public culture.<\/p>\n
Through the CJP, the cockroach changed from a dehumanising metaphor into a tool of defiant self-assertion.
\n | Photo Credit:
\n Dibyangshu Sarkar\/AFP<\/p>\n
The CJP gives us an example of what the philosopher Michel Foucault called reverse discourse: when marginalised groups spin the symbols and vocabulary used against them, in their favour. Meanwhile, symbols can also travel in another direction: rather than being turned against the power that produced them, they can be absorbed into public culture and end up reproducing that power. In today\u2019s India, the bulldozer follows this exact path. The state has weaponised the machine, and the violence carried out has acquired its own vocabulary. Such demolitions are often extrajudicial, later justified as \u201ca response to illegalities in civil law\u201d. The press has taken to calling these actions \u201cbulldozer politics\u201d or \u201cbulldozer raj\u201d, while the right wing celebrates it as \u201cbulldozer justice\u201d. The use of this symbolism shows the growing fascination with spectacular violence in India\u2019s majoritarian politics.<\/p>\n
The JCB also carries a British legacy into contemporary India. The acronym does not belong to Indian politics; it belongs to J.C. Bamford Excavators Ltd, a British firm founded in 1945. The company\u2019s commercial presence points to how colonial language and machinery remain embedded in the country even as their political meanings change. As one of the most recognisable manufacturers of backhoe loaders and excavators in India, JCB has acquired a political meaning far removed from its industrial origins. Its excavators now act as a prop in political roadshows, a gift handed to politicians by children as a \u201csymbol of trust\u201d, a patronage token for allies, and a spectacle of state power. It functions as both infrastructure and political theatre, its material force inseparable from the meanings attached to it. This symbolism strips the targeted groups of their humanity, increases the public\u2019s tolerance of persecution, and creates desensitisation to violence\u2014a helplessness that majoritarian forces then treat as a foregone conclusion.<\/p>\n
The JCB no longer needs to physically demolish a structure to project power\u2014the acronym is now enough. The rats of Raipur are not merely a sanitation problem. Their behaviour has left residents and officials alike feeling helpless and resentful. The crisis is most acute in Ward 19 of Raipur, Chhattisgarh\u2014a dense, 0.65 sq km area officially designated the Dr A.P.J. Abdul Kalam Ward, where nearly 20,000 residents live along narrow lanes bounded by railway tracks and peripheral nallahs (drainage channels). A severe rodent infestation has taken hold here, with rats hollowing out the earth below the settlement. The scale of the crisis has even prompted some office-bearers to suggest they \u201carrange cats for the treatment of rats\u201d. The more revealing response, though, has been linguistic. Rather than reach for technical or sanitary vocabulary, officials refer to the rats as Chhota JCB\u2014small but mighty JCB. The moniker prompts immediate, dark laughter from a public that needs no explanation for a joke already built into the image of the machine.<\/p>\n
Language, the anthropologist Veena Das has argued, does not merely describe life but constitutes it. The moniker chhota (small) operates on precisely this kind of duality. While it literally denotes the animal\u2019s size, it simultaneously evokes the vernacular underworld of the petty gangster, as in \u201cChhota Rajan\u201d, and the mechanical muscle of the Chhota Hathi (small elephant) pickup truck. By turning a crushing crisis into a joke, the nickname makes it survivable.<\/p>\n
The rodent crisis in Ward 19 is a consequence of an urban landscape that traps its most vulnerable residents in conditions of persistent neglect. Dawn in Raipur is heralded by the Mor Raipur anthem, a waste-collection jingle blaring from loudspeakers atop municipal trucks. While mainstream headlines celebrate Raipur as a \u201cfive-star, garbage-free city\u201d, the city\u2019s garbage-collection timetable operates with little regard for the lives of the people it is meant to serve. The ward\u2019s working population\u2014labourers, domestic workers, and nurses\u2014collects waste across the city\u2019s wealthier enclaves, entering, naturally, through the \u201cservice doors\u201d. But back home in Ward 19, waste disposal does not follow a neutral timetable. Caste-coded practices around purity, pollution, and physical contact with waste dictate when and how it can be handled, and only after a morning bath. Because the kachra gaadi (garbage truck) makes its rounds after these morning rituals conclude, the handover fails. Waste piles up at property edges and in stormwater drains, choking the drainage and creating the porous thresholds through which rats hollow out the soil below.<\/p>\n